Marcus Mosiah Garvey

A Neo-Aristotelian Perspective

Marcus Mosiah Garvey was a prominent figure in the African American community during the early 1900s. He took great pains in spreading the message of Black unity, pride, and progression. It could be said that he was a strong leader because of the radicalness of his “Back to Africa” movement. However, this analysis seeks to prove that while his message was indeed powerful, so was his method of oratory. A man with a message, and no effective means of communicating that message, is simply an unheard man. A Neo-Aristotelian analysis of Garvey’s speeches will reveal that Garvey’s success was largely due to not only what he said, but also how he said it. Aristotle’s five canons of rhetoric provide this perspective with a cyclical view of Garvey’s rhetorical effectiveness. Though I do not believe that Garvey purposely applied Aristotle’s canons to his speeches, the presence of those canons strengthens his arguments and effectiveness. In essence, this analysis will lend itself to examining the presence of classical rhetorical methodology in reference to a contemporary African American speaker.

Background

Marcus Mosiah Garvey was born on August 17, 1887, in Saint Anne’s Bay, Jamaica. As a young man he read as much as he could by borrowing books from his father’s large personal library. Unfortunately, due to financial hardships, he was forced to leave school at the age of fourteen to become a printer’s apprentice. However, these skills would prove to be vital in his future.

In 1912, he left for London, where he studied at the Birbeck College. It was at Birbeck that he came across African students and learned of the conditions of Africa and other parts of the British Empire. He also read Booker T. Washington’s Up From Slavery, and as a result became interested in the condition of the Black race in the United States.

When he returned home from London, he was very ambitious about bettering the conditions of Black people in Jamaica, Africa, and worldwide. On August 1, 1914, he started what would become the largest organization of Black reform that had ever existed, The Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League. This organization would later be referred to as the U.N.I.A. According to David Cronon’s (1973) biography of Marcus Garvey, the intent of this organization was to bring the Black race together “through a varied program of education, promotion of race pride, worldwide commercial and industrial intercourse, and development of the African motherland” (Marcus Garvey, p. 3).

In 1916 and 1917, Garvey traveled throughout the United States with his message of Black pride and liberation. His message won the respect of so many Black people that he was encouraged to open a branch of the U.N.I.A. in Harlem (which later became the headquarters for this organization). In January 1918, Garvey began publishing a newspaper, The Negro World, which became one of the leading American Black weekly papers, which promoted his ideas even further.

It was around this time that Garvey began buying steamships to transport Black people back to the motherland. For several months, the U.N.I.A. collected money to buy these ships, which formed the Black Star Line; however, according to Cronon (1973), “the ships ended up primarily serving as a symbol of Black aspirations for betterment instead of linking Blacks with the African motherland” (Marcus Garvey, p. 7). As a symbolic artifact, the ships gave Garvey’s followers a sign of hope and a feeling if financial growth. Even though the ships never transported Black people to Africa, they gave “even the poorest black the chance to become a stockholder in a big business enterprise” (Cronon, Black Moses, p. 57).

In August 1920, Garvey led the first international convention of the U.N.I.A. with delegates from all around the world. On the second day there was a parade that was the talk of the community in Harlem. It was also at this convention that the delegates adopted the Declaration for the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, based on reports of the problems and mistreatments of Blacks around the globe.

In 1922, the work of Garvey and his followers confronted a major setback. The federal authorities arrested and indicted Garvey and three of his associates for mail fraud in promoting the sale of the Black Star Line stock. He was sentenced to a term of five years, and a fine of $1,000. When he was released from prison and deported back to Jamaica, he began an effort to strengthen the Jamaican branch of the U.N.I.A.

As the trials of the Depression set in, Garvey’s Black supporters’ primary concern became survival, and not the Garvey movement. It was at this time he started the magazine, The Black Man, to maintain communication with the scattered members of the organization.

In January 1940, he suffered a stroke that left his right side paralyzed. As his health continued to fail, he died on June 10, 1940.

In some contexts Garvey is considered to be the “Black Moses” of his time. (Ware & Linkugel, 1982). According to Cronon (1973) “there is no doubt that large numbers of Negroes were listening with ever increasing interest to the serious black man whose persuasive words seemed to point the way to race deliverance” (Marcus Garvey, p. 44). At a time plagued with financial and social insecurities, the Black race needed and wanted a leader with a positive message. At a hopeless time in Black history, Garvey gave his audience hope and methods for growth and development as a race.

The Context[1]

Garvey’s gift of oratory was among one of his greatest assets. He had a way of appealing to his captive audience's in an effort to persuade them. On November 25, 1922, Garvey (1976b) delivered “The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association” at Liberty Hall in New York City. This followed his June meeting with the Ku Klux Klan, and was a response to criticism against him. One major critic was W.E.B. DuBois, who accused Garvey of being a fraud. The criticism from within the U.N.I.A. was a result of his meeting with the Klan. Though Garvey never mentioned the criticisms against him directly, he did take this opportunity to speak about refocusing on the goals of the organization. He took this opportunity to clear up some misunderstandings and prepare for the future.

On March 16, 1924, Garvey (1976a) delivered a speech at Madison Square Garden entitled “In Honor of the Return to America of the Delegation Sent to Europe and Africa by the Universal Negro Improvement Association to Negotiate for the Repatriation of Negroes to a homeland of Their Own in Africa." At that time, there was still a chance for the “Back to Africa” movement to succeed. Before the delivery of this speech, Garvey was arrested for mail fraud in 1923. When he gave the speech, his case was on appeal. Therefore, the language and words he used may have been effect by his current situation with the law.

Methodology

One way to examine the impact of Marcus Garvey’s speeches is through Aristotle’s five canons of rhetoric found in the Rhetoric. Aristotle believed in what is now called the scientific - philosophical view of rhetorical theory. A communication model comprised of speaker, speech and audience. Without one, the other two are useless and worthless. According to Berquist, Coleman, and Goldman (1976), Aristotle’s opinion was that rhetoric had a four- fold function: (1) to uphold truth and justice and play down their opposites; (2) to teach in a way suitable to a popular audience; (3) to analyze both sides of a question; and (4) to enable one to defend himself. Aristotle redefined rhetoric as “the faculty of discovering in every case the available means of persuasion" (p. 28). The Neo-Aristotelian approach to criticism involves three major tasks (Foss, 1996, p. 2-7). First, reconstruct the context in which the rhetorical artifact occurred. Then, analyze the artifact itself. Finally, assess the impact of the artifact on the audience. For Aristotle, “Although language may accomplish the act, the action takes place through civic argument voiced by the speaker and reciprocated by the audience." (Moss, 1997, p. 637) To complete these tasks, the five canons are applied to the selected speech: invention, organization, style, memory, and delivery.

According to Campbell (1971) “a fundamental assumption underlying traditional criticism is that man is capable of and subject to persuasion because he is, by nature, a rational being, and that, as a consequence, rhetoric is the art of reasoned discourse or argumentation” (p. 153). This description fits into the genre of Neo-Aristotelian criticism because it deals with the effectiveness, or lack of effectiveness, found in the rhetorical act. An Aristotelian criticism is composed, partially, of reasoning and logic. The rhetor is responsible for the message he delivers, and the rational audience is responsible for the acceptance or rejection of that message.

Analysis of Marcus Garvey’s Rhetoric

Invention (Inventio)

For the purpose of a clear and concise examination of Garvey’s rhetorical appeal, we will begin our analysis with the canon of invention. Through this canon, Marcus Garvey created an effective mode of communication. Therefore, Marcus Garvey can be viewed as a classical rhetorician because of his evident use of Aristotle’s canon of invention.

Invention is the location and creation of ideas and materials for the speech. It is based on two major forms of proof (Foss, 1996, p. 28). Internal or artistic proofs are exemplified through three separate components: logos (logical argument), ethos (appeal of the rhetor’s character), and pathos (emotional appeal). External or inartistic proofs are those the rhetor used from other sources.

Marcus Garvey used internal proofs in both of the speeches examined in this essay. His use of logos in the speeches was seen through his knowledge of historic events and figures. He uses several examples of how the Black race has proven beneficial to America, as well as examples of the quest for freedom in other parts of the world. He takes the opportunity to relate the feelings of the Black race with the feelings of the founding fathers of America. This proved that some of his beliefs were based on facts, as well as feelings.

In his “Principles” (Garvey, 1976b) speech, he referred to the fact that for thousands of years the Black race has come to the aide of White America to fight for justice. Garvey feels that, as a race, it was time to be granted the rights that had been so eagerly fought for. He exemplifies this feeling when he states:

Because of that injustice, because of that denial of our rights, we go forth

under the leadership of the One who is always on the side of right to fight the common cause of humanity; to fight as we fought in the Revolutionary War, as we fought in the Civil War, as we fought in the Spanish - American War, as we fought in the war between 1914 - 1918 on the battle plains of France and Flanders. As we fought up the heights of Mesopotamia; even so under the leadership of the U.N.I.A., we are marshaling the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world to fight for the emancipation of the race and for the redemption of the country of our fathers. (App. 2A)

Garvey is taking historical facts in aiding him in his formation of logical arguments. According to Ware and Linkugel (1982) when Garvey reconstructs their history he was “providing his black audiences with legitimate, honorable, self identity” (p. 57). A closer look at this excerpt will reveal the connections. Garvey makes it a point to discuss the involvement of the Black race in the formation of the ideals that America as whole enjoys. He wants the audience to realize that the Black race supported a country in battle. That same country would not respect them in peace. However, the Black race continued to fight because the ideas being fought over were just. Garvey comes to the logical conclusion that as a race, Black people fought for what is right, regardless of who will reap the benefits. Therefore, it is logical for the Black race to expect some justice from America, in the form of support for the “Back to Africa” movement.

The “In Honor” (Garvey 1976a) speech deals with logos in the form of giving examples, of other countries that wanted, established, and maintained their own country. This leads to Garvey’s point that returning the Black race to Africa is not an unheard phenomenon; therefore, it should be supported by the White race. He believes that this feeling is justifiable and says that:

There is now a world revival of thought and action, which is causing peoples everywhere to bestir themselves towards their own security, through which we hear the cry of Ireland for the Irish, Palestine for the Jew, Egypt for the Egyptian, Asia for the Asiatic, and thus we Negroes raise the cry of Africa for the Africans, those at home and those abroad.

(App. 1A)

Garvey is saying that the wants of the Black race are not unique. He uses examples of

other nationalities that have returned to their native land, as a logical argument for his

“Back to Africa” movement. Therefore, it is obvious that Garvey employed logos through internal proof.

Marcus Garvey (1976b) also employed external proof. In his “Principles” speech. However, he does not do this by quoting from other people. Rather, he paraphrases a story found in a familiar source. He uses the story of crucifixion from the Bible and tells the audience that the Black man has supported the white race since the time of Christ. He goes on to say that:

Garvey’s point is that, in spite of the never-ending support that the Black race had offered the White race, Blacks are still treated unjustly. He believes that it is time for White America to return the favor, and support the “Back to Africa” movement. At the very least, Garvey is demanding that the Black population be treated with equal amounts of respect and opportunities.

Ethos (credibility) is the second form of artistic proof that Marcus Garvey uses in his speeches. Ethos deals with the effect or appeal of the speaker’s character on the audience. According to Rorty (1992), “The rhetorician must know how to present himself as substantively intelligent and virtuous, rather than merely as cleverly skilled at rhetoric" (p. 65). Rorty is saying that a speaker must have knowledge of a subject in order to sway his/her audience. Knowing the formula for a good speech is not sufficient. Fortunately, Garvey encompassed both of these qualities. He knew what to say and how to say it, thereby establishing credibility. Credibility is demonstrated through three qualities in the rhetorical act. According to Sonja Foss (1996), they are (1) moral character or integrity, (2) intelligence, and (3) good will.

When Marcus Garvey gave a speech, he entered the room with a certain amount of credibility. He spoke to a captive audience, mainly composed of people who either agreed with what he was saying, or was at least open-minded enough to listen. His established credibility is a bi-product of his logical arguments. How could a man abreast of the current situation with the Black race, as well as extensive knowledge of the Black man’s past, not possess credibility? Therefore, Garvey had established moral character and intelligence.

As far as good will is concerned, Garvey establishes this through his constant plea for the betterment of the race. Consistently, throughout his speeches, Garvey makes it clear that he has the best interest of the Black community at heart, and that the U.N.I.A is representative of those communities. Garvey (1976b) wants his audience to know that:

This statement was intended to let the audience know that Garvey was concerned with the wants and needs of the Black people. What Black person in the 1920s did not want to be heard, or want a united civilization of their own? The answer is no one. Garvey was exemplifying his cause of good will. His good will was to advance the Black people through unity, and lift their voices to someone who would listen. In some ways, what he was offering them was not only good will, but promise and possibility, both of which he believes cannot exist for Black people in a country governed by whites. Garvey (1976a) believes that “From our distinct racial group idealism we feel that no Black man is good enough to govern the White man, ad no White man good enough to rule the Black man; and so of all the races and peoples” (app. 1B). With this statement, Garvey establishes that his views do not only consider the good will of Blacks, but of all races. He is not trying to get support for a movement that only pertains to Blacks, but to all nationalities of the world. He believes that all the races should unite, and aid other races in doing the same.

Pathos is the final form of artistic proof. The critic tries to determine what emotions were created in the audience and how those emotions affected the listeners. When Troels (1991), describes the best orator, it could be said that he was describing Marcus Garvey in that “the best orator does not manipulate beliefs in order to make the worse appear to be the better course, but rather presents the best case in a way that is comprehensible and moving to each type of character” (p. 2). One way in which he uses pathos is how he paints a utopian image for the audience of the possibilities awaited the Black race in Africa. Garvey evoked emotions in the audience when he spoke of a place that would lend itself to the desires and needs of the Black man, in so that

Our desire is for a place in the world; not to disturb the tranquillity of other men, but to lay down our burden and rest our weary backs and feet by the banks of the Niger, and sing our songs and chant our hymns to the God of Ethiopia. Yes, we want rest from the toil of centuries, rest of political freedom, rest of economic and industrial liberty, rest to be socially free and unmolested, rest from lynching and burning, rest from discrimination of all kinds. (Garvey 1976a, app. 1C)

Garvey painted a picture of a place that every Black person in America must have dreamed of at some point or another. This passage in somewhat of a precursor to Martin Luther King Jr’s “I Have A Dream," in that it paints an image of an ideal society for the Black race. Garvey is pulling some kind of emotion from every person that heard that passage. Whether the emotion was of hope, despair, disbelief, or joy, every person must have felt something. You can almost see the facial expressions of the audience change, because Garvey has “opened them up” for persuasion. If for no other reason at all, some people may support his “Back to Africa” movement just to experience and feel the image he depicted.

Garvey’s use of invention is evident after an examination of his speeches. He made logical arguments, which helped to heighten his credibility, and evoke emotion from the audience. As far as invention goes, Marcus Mosiah Garvey was a true rhetorician.

Organization (Dispositio)

Organization is the canon that deals with the manner in which the speaker presented his/her ideas. According to Edward Corbett (1990), “Aristotle held that there were really only two essential parts of a speech: the statement of the case and the proof; but was ready to concede that in practice orators added two more parts: an introduction and a conclusion” (p. 25). Corbett goes on to explain that in many situations organization and invention are put together. Some believe that “disposition was looked upon as just another aspect of invention” (p. 25).

Garvey’s speeches were organized in an explanatory manner, according to the Aristotelian interpretation. In both speeches, he had a case and proof. The speech delivered in 1922 (Garvey, 1976b) was given to rally support for the U.N.I.A. and their beliefs, and the 1924 speech (Garvey 1976a) was given to reinforce those beliefs in Garvey and the U.N.I.A. In both instances, he provided proof for his conclusions, as was discussed earlier in the invention portion of this analysis.

In both speeches, his introduction consisted of mentioning the uniting of the Black race. In “Principles” (Garvey, 1976b) he speaks of bringing together 400,000,000 blacks under the banner of the U.N.I.A. In “In Honor” (Garvey, 1976a) his introduction pertains to uniting all the Blacks of the world in Africa, and the seriousness of this cause. Garvey’s conclusions are very similar in both speeches, in that they both speak of preparing for the day that all the Blacks are united. As stated in his “Principles” speech, “We should say to the millions who are in Africa to hold the fort, for we are coming 400,000,000 strong” (Garvey, 1976b, app. 2G). Therefore, as far as organization is concerned, Garvey can still be considered a true rhetorician, by Aristotle’s standards.

Style (Elocutio)

Style deals with the manner in which the speech was relayed to the audience. Simply put, how did the speaker choose the words to be spoken? Quintilian (1973) believed that there were three types of style, and that each one suited a different purpose. Style was divided into plain style, which was best for instruction; middle style for moving the audience, and high style for charm (p. 4).

Considering this theory, Marcus Garvey used middle style. His purpose was to move the audience to do something - either to support the U.N.I.A. financially, or to make the effort to return to Africa. He was not teaching them, because the instances he spoke of, and examples he used were either common knowledge or common emotions. It can also be said that his intent was not to charm, because the emotional appeal he gave the audience was enough to move them. Therefore, Garvey fits comfortably in middle style, strengthening his appeal as a classical rhetorician.

Delivery (Pronuntiatio) and Memory (Memoria)

For the purpose of this analysis, memory and delivery will be discussed together. Both of these areas are difficult to analyze, since I have never had the opportunity to see or hear Garvey speak. However, due to their length, I believe that his speeches were not memorized, but delivered extemporaneously. Also, I assume that his delivery was effective, since he was seen as a respected leader. In addition, with all the imagery and emotion that his speeches brought forth, his delivery must have been acceptable.

One of Garvey’s most effective delivery tactics was his ability to function from the gaze of a preacher. Arthur L. Smith described this tactic best when he spoke of a rhetor who

. . . can create in precise terms the enemy as the masses observe him in their own realities, he becomes in effect a preacher. . . As the Black preacher often cites scriptural references to support a statement or to substantiate a definition, the secular agitator become preacher also often refers to specific events or incidents to indict his opposition or to prove his charge (1969, p.33).

Garvey makes references to spiritual and biblical images throughout his speeches. This puts him in the position to establish and maintain a connection with his audience, which aids him in his persuasive effort. His method of delivery allows the spirit of the audience to rise, for example in his “In Honor” speech (1976a) Garvey says that “The Almighty Creator made us men, not unlike others, but in his own image…” (App 2b). much like a preacher, Garvey is using the spiritual beliefs of the audience to gain support. Therefore, his method of delivery was an extemporaneously delivered speech with sermon like techniques and imagery.

Conclusion

Marcus Mosiah Garvey was a very important and effective leader of his time. The evidence of invention throughout Garvey’s speeches, prove that he was not a man who spoke irrationally. His ideas and arguments came to logical conclusions, after he weaved the audience through his logos. He constantly took the time to explain to his audience that the “Back to Africa” movement was not a favor extended to them from White America, but a right they earned throughout history. He did this by giving examples of the Black influence in the upliftment of America, and then speaking of the unfair treatment given to Blacks at the present.

Garvey continuously employed examples of his ethos and pathos, when he spoke of the glory of returning to Africa. He let the audience know that this movement was not only to benefit him, but the entire Black population. He spoke of freedom, liberation, justice, and equality; all of which were desperately wanted by the Black community. His credibility came from the way he intelligently spoke of a solution that would benefit “his people”. When he spoke of such things he created pathos from his audience. To a population of people living in an oppressive society, Garvey’s images of Africa sounded like a Utopia. He used the status quo of America at that time, and compared it to the possibilities found in Africa, and thus created an emotional appeal.

The organization of Garvey’s speeches was in an explanatory manner. He stated what his goals were, and then explained the reasons why. His introductions spoke of the goals of unity, and the conclusions spoke of preparation. The way in which Garvey organized these speeches lends itself to the discussion of invention. His speeches were organized in logical arguments, which led to logical conclusions.

Garvey’s style of oratory was aimed at moving the audience to action. He wanted them to industrialize, unify, uplift, and go back to Africa. He wasn’t concerned with charm or instruction, because the message he relayed spoke for itself. In reference to delivery and memory, I believe that these speeches were delivery from a manuscript. It can also be said that a look at Garvey’s style, organization, and invention help to prove that his delivery was effective.

Garvey moved thousands of people toward wanting Black unity, both emotionally, mentally, and even physically. John Henrik (1974) believes that Garvey’s “eloquent ideas about black unity, pride, African heritage and upliftment of his race made him popular among many Black people throughout the world” (p. 342). His call to Black people to move to Africa was based on his belief that Africa was a chance

For the black race to build a nation of its own, as a chance to prove that his people were as capable as other races. Africa was to be the spiritual homeland for blacks, and the culture they would build there would serve as ultimate proof of their equality and worthiness to which the could point in justification of their claims for liberation in other countries. (Ware & Linkugel, 1982, p. 60).

Garvey preached this message and belief to any one who would listen. His goal was to reach 400,000,000 Black people through his logical, credible, and emotional forms of proof. Then he organized these thoughts, added style and delivery to his semi-memorized technique of oratory, and set on his task of moving an entire race of people to action. While his ideas and messages were important, without an effective way to communicate them, no one would have taken notice. The fact is that he did persuade people; therefore he was an affective rhetorician according to Aristotle’s criteria. The fall of Garvey lied in his lack of preparation to fulfill the obligations and expectations of his arguments. The evidence of Aristotle’s canons of invention, organization, style, delivery, and memory simply intensifies his image as a true classical rhetorician.

References

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Thought. Dubuque, IA: Kendall Hunt.

Bury, M. M. J. (1976). A thematic study of two speeches delivered by Marcus Garvey: November 25, 1922, March 16, 1924. Unpublished master’s thesis, Ohio University,

Campbell, K. K. (1971). The rhetoric of black nationalism: A case study in self- conscious criticism. Central States Speech Journal, 22, 151 – 160.

Corbett, E. P.J. (1990). Classical rhetoric for the modern student. New York: Oxford University Press.

Cronon, D. E. (1955). Black Moses: The story of Marcus Garvey and the universal negro improvement association. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Cronon, D. E. (Ed.). (1973). Marcus Garvey. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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Garvey, M. (1976b). The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement

Association. In M. M. J. Bury, A thematic study of two speeches delivered by Marcus Garvey: November 25, 1922, March 16, 1924 (pp. 67 - 73). Unpublished master’s thesis, Ohio University.

Garvey, M. (1976a). In Honor of the Return to America of the Delegation Sent to Europe and Africa by the Universal Negro Improvement Association to Negotiate

for the Repatriation of Negroes to a homeland of Their Own in Africa. In M. M. J. Bury, A thematic study of two speeches delivered by Marcus Garvey: November 25, 1922, March 16, 1924 (pp. 76 - 80). Unpublished master’s thesis, Ohio University.

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Metaphysics, 46, 63-94.

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Appendix 1

The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association

Over five years ago the Universal Negro Improvement Association placed itself before the world as the movement through which the new and rising Negro would give expression of his feelings. This Association adopts an attitude not of hostility to other races and peoples of the world, but an attitude of self-respect, of manhood rights on behalf of 400,000,000 Negroes of the world.

We represent peace, harmony, love, human sympathy, human rights and human justice, and that is why we fight so much. Wheresoever human rights are denied to any group, whersoever justice is denied to any group, there the U.N.I.A. finds a cause. And at this time among all the peoples of the world, the group that suffers most from injustice, the group that is denied most of these rights that belong to all humanity, is the black group of 400,000,000. Because of that injustice, because of that denial of our rights, we go forth under the leadership of the One who is always on the side of right to fight the common cause of humanity; to fight as we fought in the war between 1914-18 on the battle plains of France and Flanders. As we fought up the heights of Mesopotamia; even so under the leadership of the U.N.I.A., we are marshaling the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world to fight for the emancipation of the race and for the redemption of the country of our fathers.

We represent a new line of thought among Negroes. Whether you call it advanced thought or reactionary thought, I do not care. If it is reactionary for people to seek independence in government, then we are reactionary. If it advanced thought for people to seek liberty and freedom, then we represent the advanced school of thought among the Negroes of this country. We of the U.N.I.A. believe that what is good for the other fellow is good for us. If government is something that is worth while; if government is something that is appreciable and helpful and protective to others, we also want to experiment in government. We do not mean a government that will make us citizens without rights or subjects without consideration. We mean the kind of government that will place our race in control, even as other races are in control of their own governments.

That does not suggest anything that is unreasonable. It was not unreasonable for George Washington, the great hero and father of the country, to have fought for the freedom of America giving to us this great republic and this great democracy; it was not unreasonable for the Liberals of France to have fought against the Monarchy to give to the world French Democracy and French Republicanism; it was no unrighteous cause that led in giving to the world the social democracy of Russia, an experiment that will probably prove to be a bon and a blessing to mankind. If it was not an unrighteous cause that led Washington to fight for the Independence of this country, and led the Liberals of France to establish the Republic, it is therefore not an unrighteous cause fro the U.N.I.A. to lead 400,000,000 Negroes all over the world to fight for the liberation of our country.

Therefore the U.N.I.A. is not advocating the cause of church building, because we have a sufficiently large number of churches to minister to the spiritual needs of the people, and we are not going to compete with those who are engaged in so splendid a work; we are not engaged in building any new social institutions, and the Y.M.C.A.’s or Y.W.C.A.’s because there are enough social workers engaged in those praise worthy efforts. We are not engaged in politics because we have enough local politicians, Democrats, Socialists, Soviets, etc., and the political situation is well taken care of. We are not engaged in domestic politics, in church building or in social uplift work, but we are engaged in nation building.

In advocating the principles of this Association we find we have been very much misunderstood and very much misrepresented by men from within our own race, as well as others from without. Any reform movement that seeks to bring about changes for the benefit of humanity is bound to be misrepresented by those who have always taken it upon themselves to administer to, and lead the unfortunate, and to direct those who may be placed under temporary disadvantages. It has been so in all other movements whether social or political; hence those of us in the Universal Negro Improvement Association who lead, do not feel in any way embarrassed about this misrepresentation, about this misunderstanding as far as the Aims and Objects of the Universal Negro Improvement Association go. But those who probably would have taken kindly notice of this great movement, have been lead to believe that this movement seeks, not to develop the good within the race, but to give expression to that which is most destructive and most harmful to society and to government.

I desire to remove the misunderstanding that has been created in the minds of millions of peoples throughout the world in their relationship to the organization. The Universal Negro Improvement Association believes in the rights of not only the black race, but the white race, the yellow race and the brown race. The Universal Negro Improvement Association believes that the white man has as much right to be considered, the yellow man has as much right to be considered, the brown man has as much right to be considered as well as the black man of Africa. In view of the fact that the black man of Africa has contributed as much to the world as the white man of Europe, and the brown and yellow man of Asia, we of the Universal Negro Improvement Association demand that the white, brown, and yellow races give to the black man his place in the civilization of the world. We ask for nothing more than the rights of 400,000,000 Negroes. We are not seeking, as I said before, to destroy or disrupt the society of the government of other races, but we are determined that 400,000,000 of us shall unite ourselves to free our motherland from the grasp of the invader. We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are determined to unite 400,000,000 Negroes for their own industrial, political, social and religious emancipation.

We of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are determined to unite the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world to give expression to their own feeling; we are determined to unite the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world for the purpose of building a civilization of their own. And in that effort, we desire to bring together the 15,000,000 of the United States, the 180,000,000 in Asia, the West Indies and Central and South America, and the 200,000,000 in Africa. We are looking toward political freedom of the continent of Africa, the land of our fathers.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association is not seeking to build up another government within the bounds or borders of the United States of America. The Universal Negro Improvement Association is not seeking to disrupt any organized system of government, bit the Association is determined to bring Negroes together for the building up of a nation of their own. And why? Because we have been forced to it. We have been forced to it throughout the world; not only in America, not only in Europe, not only in the British Empire, but wheresoever the black man happens to find himself, he has been forced to do it for himself.

To talk about Government is a little more than some of our people can appreciate just at this time. The average man does not think that way, just because he finds himself a citizen or a subject of some country. He seems to say, “Why should there be need for any other government?” We are French, English, or American. But we of the U.N.I.A. have studied seriously this question of nationality among Negroes – this American nationality, this British nationality, this French, Italian or Spanish nationality, and have discovered that it counts for naught when that nationality comes in conflict with the racial idealism of the group that rules. When our interests clash with those of the ruling faction, then we find that we have absolutely no rights. In times of peace, when everything is all right, Negroes have a hard time, wherever we go, wheresoever we find ourselves, getting those rights that belong to us, in common with others whom we claim as fellow citizens; getting that consideration that should be ours by right of the constitution, by right of the law; but in time of trouble they make us all partners in the cause, as happened in the last war, when we were partners, whether British, French or American Negroes. And we were told that we must forget everything in an effort to save the nation.

We have saved many nations in this manner, and we have lost our lives doing that before. Hundreds of thousands – nay, millions of black men, lie buried under ground due to that old-time camouflage of saving the nation. We saved the British empire; we saved the French empire; we saved this glorious nation more than once; and all that we have received for what we have done, even in giving up our lives, is just what you are receiving now, just what I am receiving now.

You and I fare no better America, in the British empire, or in any other part of the white world; we fare no better than any black man wheresoever he shows his head. And why? Because we have been satisfied to allow ourselves to be led, educated, to be directed by the other fellow, who has always sought to lead in the world in that direction that would satisfy him and strengthen his position. We have allowed ourselves for the last 500 years to be a race of followers, following every race that has led in the direction that would make them more secure.

The U.N.I.A. is reversing the old-time order of things. We refuse to be followers any more. We are leading ourselves. That means, if any saving is to be done, later on, whether it is saving this one nation or that one government, we are going to seek a method of saving Africa first. Why? And why Africa? Because Africa has become the grand prize of the nations. Africa has become the big game of the nation hunters. Today Africa looms as the greatest commercial, industrial and political prize in the world.

The difference between the Universal Negro Improvement Association and the other movements of this country, and probably the world, is that the Universal Negro Improvement Association seeks independence of government, while the other organizations seek to make the Negro a secondary part of existing governments. We differ from the organization in America because they seek to subordinate the Negro as a secondary consideration in a great civilization, knowing that in America the Negro will never reach his highest ambition, knowing that the Negro in America will never have his constitutional rights. All those organizations which are fostering the improvement of Negroes in the British Empire know that the Negro in the British Empire will never reach the height of his constitutional rights. What do I mean by constitutional rights on America? If the black man is to reach the height of his ambition in this country – if then the black man should have the same chance in the nation as any other man to become president of the nation, or a street cleaner in New York. If the black man in the British Empire is to have all his constitutional rights it means that the Negro in the British Empire should have at least the same right to become premier of Great Britain as he has to become street cleaner in the city of London. Are they prepared to give us such political equality? You and I can live in the United States of America for more 100 more years, and our generations may live for over 200 years or for 5000 more years, as so long as there is a black and white population, when the majority is on the side of the white race, you and I will never get political justice or get political equality in this country. Then why should a black man with rising ambition, after preparing himself in every possible way to give expression to that highest ambition, allow himself to be kept down by racial prejudice within a country? If I am as educated as the next man, if I am as prepared as the next man, if I have passed through the best schools and colleges and universities as the other fellow, why should I not have a fair chance to compete with the other fellow for the biggest position in th nation? I have feelings, I have blood, I have senses like the other fellow; I have ambition, I have hope. Why should he, because of some racial prejudice, keep me down and why should I concede him the right to rise above me, and to establish himself as my permanent master? That is where the U.N.I.A. differs from other organizations. I refuse to stultify my ambition, and every true Negro refuse to stultify his ambitions to suit any one, and therefore the U.N.I.A. decides if America is not big enough for two presidents, if England is not big enough for two kings, then we are not going to quarrel over the matter; we will leave one president in America, we will leave one king in England, we will leave one president in France and we will have one president in Africa. Hence, the Universal Negro Improvement Association does not seek to interfere with the social and political systems of France, but by the arrangement of things today the U.N.I.A. refuses to recognize any political or social system in Africa except that which we are about to establish for ourselves.

We are not preaching a propaganda of hate against anybody. We love the white man; we love all humanity, because we feel that we cannot live without the other. The white man is as necessary to the existence of the Negro as the Negro is necessary to his existence. There is a common relationship that we cannot escape. Africa has certain things that Europe wants, and Europe has certain things that Africa wants, and if a fair and square deal must bring white and black with each other, it is impossible for us to escape it. Africa has oil, diamonds, copper, gold and rubber and all the minerals that Europe wants, and there must be some kind of relationship between Africa and Europe for a fair exchange, so we cannot afford to hate anybody.

The question often asked is what does it require to redeem a race and free a country? If it takes man power, if it takes scientific intelligence, if it takes education of any kind, or if it takes blood, then the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world have it.

It took the combined man power of the Allies to put down the mad determination of the Kaiser to impose German will upon the world and upon humanity. Among those who suppressed his mad ambition were two million Negroes who have not yet forgotten how to drive men across the firing line. Surely those of us who faced German shot and shell at the Marne, at Verdun, have not forgotten the order of our Commander-in-Chief. The cry that caused us to leave America in such mad haste, when white fellow citizens of America refused to fight and said, “We do not believe in war and therefore, even though we are American citizens, and even though the nation is in danger, we will not go to war.” When many of them cried out and said, “We are German-Americans and we can not fight,” when so many white men refused to answer to the call and dodged behind all kinds of excuses, 400,00 black men were ready without a question. It was because we were told it was a war of Democracy; it was a war for the liberation of the weaker peoples of the world. We heard the cry of Woodrow Wilson, not because we liked him so, but because the things he said were of such a nature that they appealed to us as men. Wheresoever that cause of humanity stands in need of assistance, there you will find the Negro ever ready to serve.

He has done it from the time of Christ up to now. When the whole world turned its back upon the Christ, the man who was said to be the Son of God; when the world cried out “Crucify Him,” when the world spurned Him and spat upon Him, it was a black man, Simon, the Cyrenian, who took up the cross. Why? Because the cause of humanity appealed to him. When the Black man saw the suffering Jew, struggling under the heavy cross, he was willing to go to His assistance, and he bore that cross up to the heights of Calvary. In the spirit of Simon, the Cyrenian, 1900 years ago we answered the call of Woodrow Wilson, the call of a larger humanity, and it was for that that we willingly rushed in to the war from America, from the West Indies, over 100,000; it was for that that we rushed into the war from Africa, 2,000,000 of us. We met in France, Flanders, and in Mesopotamia. We fought unfalteringly. When the white men faltered and fell back on their battle lines, at the Marne and at Verdun, when the ran away from the charge of the German hordes, the black hell fighters stood before the cannonade, stood before the charge, and again they shouted, “There will be a hot time in the old town tonight.”

We made it so hot a few months after our appearance in France and on the various battle fronts, we succeeded in driving the German hordes across the Rhine, and driving the Kaiser out of Germany, and out of Potsdam into Holland. We have not forgotten the prowess of war . if we had been liberal minded enough to give our life’s blood in France, in Mesopotamia and elsewhere, fighting for the white man, whom we have always assisted, surely we have not forgotten to fight for ourselves, and when the time comes that the world will again give Africa an opportunity for freedom, surely 400,000,000 black men will march out on the battle plains of Africa, under the colors of the red, the black, and the green.

We shall march out, yes, as black American citizens, as black British subjects, as black French citizens, as black Italians or as black Spaniards, but we shall march out with a greater loyalty, the loyalty of race. We shall march out in answer to the cry of our fathers, who cry out to us for the redemption of our own country, our motherland, Africa.

We shall march out, not forgetting the blessings of America. We shall march out, not forgetting the blessings of civilization. We shall march out with a history of peace before and behind us, and surely that history shall be our breastplate, for how can man fight better than knowing that the cause for which he fights is righteous? How can man fight more gloriously than knowing that behind him is a history of slavery, a history of bloody carnage and massacre inflicted upon a race because of its inability to protect itself and fight? Shall we not fight for the glorious opportunity of protecting and forever more establishing ourselves as a mighty race and nation, never more to be disrespected by men? Glorious shall be the battle when the time comes to fight for our people and our race.

We should say to the millions who are in Africa to hold the fort, for we are coming 400,000,000 strong.

Appendix 2

In Honor of the Return to America of the Delegation Sent to

Europe and Africa by the Universal Negro Improvement

Association to Negotiate for the Repatriation of

Negroes to a Homeland of Their Own in Africa

Fellow Citizens:

The coming together, all over this country, of fully six million people of Negro blood, to work for the creation of a nation of their own in their motherland, Africa, is no joke.

Some people are not disposed to give us credit for having feelings, passions, ambitions and desires like other races; they are satisfied to relegate us to the back-heap of human aspirations; but this is a mistake. The Almighty Creator made us men, not unlike others, but in His own image; hence, as a race, we feel that we, too, are entitled to the rights that are common to humanity.

The cry and desire for liberty id justifiable, and is made holy everywhere. It is sacred and holy to the Anglo-Saxon, Teuton and Latin; to the Anglo-American it precedes that of all religions, and now come the Irish, the Jew, the Egyptian, the Hindoo, and last but not least, the Negro, clamoring for their share as well as their right to be free.

All men should be free – free to work out their own salvation. Free to create their own destinies. Free to nationally build up themselves for the upbringing and rearing of a culture and civilization of their own. Jewish culture is different from Irish culture. Anglo-Saxon culture is unlike Teutonic culture. Asiatic culture differs greatly from European culture; and, in the same way, the world should be liberal enough to allow the Negro latitude to develop a culture of his own. Why should the Negro be lost among the other races and nations of the world and to himself? Did nature not make of him a son of the soil? Did the Creator not fashion him out of the dust of the earth? -- out of that rich soil to which he bears such a wonderful resemblance? -- a resemblance that changes not, even though the ages have flown? No, the Ethiopian cannot change his skin; and so we appeal to the conscience of the white world to yield us a place of national freedom among the creatures of present-day temporal materialism.

We Negroes are not asking the white man to turn Europe and America over to us. We are not asking the Asiatic to turn Asia over for the accommodation of the blacks. But we are asking a just and righteous world to restore Africa to her scattered and abused children.

We believe in justice and human love. If our rights are to be respected, then, we, too, must respect the rights of all mankind; hence, we are ever ready and willing to yield to the white man the things that are his, and we feel that he, too, when his conscience is touched, will yield to us the things that are ours.

We should like to see a peaceful, prosperous and progressive white race in America and Europe; a peaceful, prosperous and progressive yellow race in Asia, and, in like manner, we want, and we demand, a peaceful, prosperous and progressive black race in Africa. Is that asking too much? Surely not. Humanity, without any immediate human hope of racial oneness, has drifted apart, and is now divided into separate and distinct groups, each with its own ideals and aspirations. Thus, we cannot expect any one race to hold a monopoly of creation and be able to keep the rest satisfied.

From our distinct racial group idealism we feel that no black man is good enough to govern the white man, and no white man good enough to rule the black man; and so of all races and peoples. No one feels that the other, alien is race, is good enough to govern or rule to the exclusion of native racial rights. We may as well, therefore, face the question of superior and inferior races. In 20^th century civilization there are no inferior and superior races. There are backward peoples, but that does not make them inferior. As far as humanity goes, all men are equal, and especially where peoples are intelligent enough to know what they want. At this time all peoples know what they want – it is liberty. When a people have sense enough to know that they ought to be free, then they naturally become the equal of all, in the higher calling of man to know and direct himself. It is true that economically and scientifically certain races are more progressive than others; but that does not imply superiority. For the Anglo-Saxon to say that he is superior because he introduced submarines to destroy life, or the Teuton because he compounded liquid gas to outdo in the art of killing, and that the Negro is inferior because he is backward in that direction is to leave one’s self open to the retort “Thou shalt not kill,” as being the divine law that sets the moral standard of real men. There is no superiority in the one race economically monopolizing and holding all that would tend to the sustenance of life, and thus cause unhappiness and distress to others; for our highest purpose should be to love and care for each other, and share with each other the things that our Heavenly Father has placed at our common disposal; and even in this, the African is unsurpassed, in that he feeds his brother and shares with him the product of the land. The idea of race superiority is questionable; nevertheless, we must admit that, from the white man’s standard, he is far superior to the rest of us, but that kind of superiority is too inhuman and dangerous to be permanently helpful. Such a superiority was shared and indulged in by other races before, and even by our own, when we boasted of a wonderful civilization on the banks of the Nile, when others were still groping in darkness; but because of our unrighteousness it failed, as all such will. Civilization can only last when we have reached the point where we will be our brother’s keeper. That is to say, when we feel it righteous to live and let live.

Let no black man feel that he has the exclusive right to the world, and other men none, and let no white man feel that way, either. The world is the property of all mankind, and each and every group is entitled to a portion. The black man now wants his, and in terms uncompromising he is asking for it.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association represents the hopes and aspirations of the awakened Negro. Our desire is for a place in the world; not to disturb the tranquillity of other men, but to lay down our burden and rest our weary backs and feet by the banks of the Niger, and sing our songs and chant our hymns to the God of Ethiopia. Yes, we want rest from the toil of centuries, rest of political freedom, rest of economic and industrial liberty, rest to be socially free and unmolested, rest from lynching and burning, rest from discrimination of all kinds.

Out of slavery we have come with our tears and sorrows, and we now lay them at the feet of American white civilization. We cry to the considerate white people for help, because in their midst we can scarce help ourselves. We are strangers in a strange land. We cannot sing, we cannot play on our harps, for our hearts are sad. We are sad because of the tears of our mothers and the cry of our fathers. Have you not heard the plaintive wail? It is your father and my father burning at the stake; but, thank God, there is a larger humanity growing among the good and considerate white people of this country, and they are going to help. They will help us to recover our souls.

As children of captivity we look forward to a new day and a new, yet ever old, land of our fathers, the land of refuge, the land of the Prophets, the land of the Saints, and the land of God’s crowning glory. We shall gather together our children, our treasures and our loved ones, and, as the children of Israel, by the command of God, faced the promised land, so in time we shall also stretch forth our hands and bless our country.

Good and dear America that has succored us for 300 years knows our story. We have watered her vegetation with our tears for 250 years. We have built her cities and laid the foundation of her imperialism with the mortar of our blood and bones for 3 centuries, and now we cry to her for help. Help us, America, as we helped you. We helped you in the Revolutionary War. We helped you in the Civil War, and, although Lincoln helped us, the price is not half paid. We helped you in the Spanish-American War. We died nobly and courageously in Mexico, and did we not leave behind us on the stained battlefields of France and Flanders our rich blood to make the poppies’ bloom, and to bring back to you the glory of the flag that never touched the dust? We have no regrets in service to America for 300 years, but we pray that America will help us for another 50 years until we have solved the troublesome problem that now confronts us. We know and realize that two ambitious and competitive races cannot live permanently side by side, without friction and trouble, and that is why the white race wants a white America and the black race wants and demands a black Africa.

Let white America help us for 50 years honestly, as we have helped her for 300 years, and before the expiration of many decades there shall be no more race problem. Help us to gradually go home, America. Help us as you have helped the Jews. Help us as you have helped the Irish. Helped us as you have helped the Poles, Russians, Germans, and Armenians.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association proposes a friendly co-operation with all honest movements seeking intelligently to solve the race problem. We are seeking social equality; we do not seek intermarriage, nor do we hanker after the impossible. We want the right to have a country of our own, and there foster and re-establish a culture and civilization exclusively ours. Don’t say it can’t be done. The Pilgrims and colonists did to or America, and the new Negro, with sympathetic help, can do it for Africa.

The thoughtful and industrious of our race want to go back to Africa, because we realize it will be our only hope of permanent existence. We cannot all go in a day or year, ten or twenty years. It will take time under the rule of modern economics, to entirely or largely depopulate a country of a people, who have been its residents for centuries, but we feel that, with proper help for 50 years, the problem can be solved. We do not want all the Negroes in Africa. Some are no good here, and naturally will be no good there. The no good Negro will naturally die if 50 years. The Negro who is wrangling about and fighting for social equality will naturally pass away in 50 years, and yield his place to the progressive Negro who wants a society and country of his own.

Negroes are divided into two groups, the industrious and adventurous, and the lazy and dependent. The industrious and adventurous believe that whatsoever others have done it can do. The Universal Negro Improvement Association belongs to this group, and so you find us working, 6,000,000 strong, to the goal of an independent nationality. Who will not help? Only the mean and despicable “who never to himself hath said, this is my own, my native land.” Africa is legitimate, moral and righteous home of all Negroes, and now, that time is coming for all to assemble under their own vine and fig tree, we feel it our duty to arouse every Negro to a consciousness of himself.

White and black will learn to respect each other when they cease to be active competitors in the same countries for the same things in politics and society. Let them have countries of their own, wherein to aspire and climb without rancor. The races can be friendly and helpful to each other, but the laws of nature separate us to the extent of each and very one developing by itself.

We want an atmosphere all our own. We would like to govern and rule ourselves and not be encumbered and restrained. We feel now just as the white race would fell if they were governed and ruled by the Chinese. If we live in our own districts, let us rule and govern those districts. If we have a majority in our communities, let us run those communities. We form a majority in Africa and we should naturally govern ourselves there. No man can govern another’s house as well as himself. Let us have fair play. Let us have justice. This is the appeal we make to white America.

[1] The information regarding the context was largely adopted from Dr. Janet Bury’s Master’s Thesis on Marcus Garvey